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CLARE HURLER COLM Galvin has announced his retirement from inter-county hurling. 

The midfielder, who celebrated his 29th birthday on Wednesday, was part of the side that famously lifted the Liam MacCarthy Cup in 2013 and won an All-Star the same year. 

Galvin also claimed three U21 All-Ireland and Munster titles with the Banner between 2012-2014.

However, the Clonlara clubman has been plagued by injuries — an ongoing groin problem, most recently — and missed the whole 2020 season before returning last year.

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“It’s a scenario that I never thought or hoped would ever happen but unfortunately following a succession of injuries and repeated setbacks, I’ve had to make the difficult decision to retire from inter-county hurling,” Galvin said in a statement released on Clare GAA’s social media channels today.

“A decade on from making my senior championship debut against Dublin in Cusack Park, I’d love to have continued playing for Clare but after ongoing conversations with Brian (Lohan), realistically my body just isn’t able for the workload required at the highest level any longer.

“Central to this is a persistent groin injury that has never healed properly, which has proven extremely frustrating as well as mentally draining.

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“It’s not easy to step away from the panel, many of which I have hurled alongside since our formative years in a Clare jersey but I sincerely wish the lads and management all the very best for 2022 and beyond.

My focus now is to try and get rehabilitated for my club Clonlara who, along with my parents Kevin and Geraldine, my fiancé Orlaith, siblings Ciara and Ian, friends and extended family, have been so supportive to me throughout my inter-county career.

“I’ve also been blessed to have played with so many great players and equally fortunate to have been coached and managed by people who have given their all for the county. As a result, I’ve been able to fulfil my lifelong dreams of playing at all levels for Clare and made some truly unforgettable memories along the way.”

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Galvin (left) and John Conlon celebrate with the Liam MacCarthy after the 2013 All-Ireland final.

Source: Ryan Byrne/INPHO

“To have shared provincial and national successes with such passionate and loyal supporters is something I’ll always cherish and even when things didn’t always go our way, we always felt we had the full backing of the Clare support.

“Knowing the commitment and talent that we have, hopefully there’s much more to come from Brian and the lads in the near future. I look forward to watching their progress and fingers crossed I get the opportunity to experience the celebrations myself from the stands.

“It’s up to Ian to carry the torch for the family now. No pressure”.

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THE REIGNING ALL-Ireland camogie champions Galway have received a huge boost ahead of the 2022 season as long-serving midfielder Niamh Kilkenny is returning for another year.

Kilkenny, who first joined the Galway panel in 2006, enjoyed a stellar campaign for the Tribeswomen last year as they collected their second All-Ireland title in three years.

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The42 understands that she is back in the Galway fold ahead of the National League which gets underway this weekend. Cathal Murray’s charges have been drawn in Group 2 and will host Offaly in their league opener in Gort this Saturday afternoon.

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Galway reached the Division 1 final last year where they were narrowly defeated by Brian Dowling’s Kilkenny.

The St Pearses’ star midfielder is a six-time All-Star award winner and was named the  Camogie Association/WGPA Senior Players’ Player of the Year after Galway’s All-Ireland triumph in 2019. 

Kilkenny has also been shortlisted for the top award again in 2021, and is likely to pick up another All-Star after being included in the nominations last October.

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The camogie All-Star awards banquet was postponed due to Covid-19 restrictions and is set to take place in 2022.

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CORK BOSSES KIERAN Kingston and Keith Ricken have unveiled their starting sides for tomorrow’s league double-header against Clare in Páirc Uí Chaoimh.

The hurlers play in their Division 1 Group A opener at 5pm as they set out on a new campaign after last year’s All-Ireland final loss at the hands of Limerick.

Nine of the side that started that clash in Croke Park last August are included here. Ciaran Joyce, a star of last year’s U20 winning teams, makes his debut at midfield, while Sean Twomey is another U20 graduate that is selected in attack.

Conor Lehane, recently recalled to the setup, will play his first game for Cork since November 2020 while Ger Millerick, who missed the All-Ireland through injury, is named at full-back, and there are starting attacking places for Alan Cadogan and Shane Barrett, the pair that came on in the second half of that 2021 senior decider.

The Cork footballers will attempt to bounce back from their opening loss to Roscommon, when they face Clare tomorrow night at 7pm in their Division 2 encounter.

Páirc Uí Chaoimh.

Source: Laszlo Geczo/INPHO

Shane Merrit and Mark Buckley are given chances to impress as they make their first senior starts for Cork, while Kevin O’Donovan comes into the defence and Blake Murphy is introduced to the attack. Cian Kiely, John Cooper, Joe Grimes and Mark Cronin are the four players that drop to the bench.

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Cork (Hurling v Clare)

1. Patrick Collins (Ballinhassig)

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2. Niall O’Leary (Castlelyons), 3. Ger Millerick (Fr O’Neills), 4. Sean O’Donoghue (Inniscarra)

5. Tim O’Mahony (Newtownshandrum), 6. Mark Coleman (Blarney), 7. Robert Downey (Glen Rovers)

8. Ciaran Joyce (Castlemartyr), 9. Darragh Fitzgibbon (Charleville)

10. Conor Lehane (Midleton), 11. Seamus Harnedy (St Ita’s), 12. Sean Twomey (Courcey Rovers)

13. Shane Kingston (Douglas), 14. Alan Cadogan (Douglas), 15. Shane Barrett (Blarney)

Subs

  • 16. Ger Collins (Ballinhassig)
  • 17. Cormac O’Brien (Newtownshandrum)
  • 18. Damien Cahalane (St Finbarr’s)
  • 19. Daire O’Leary (Watergrasshill)
  • 20. Sam Quirke (Midleton)
  • 21. Conor Cahalane (St Finbarr’s)
  • 22. Luke Meade (Newcestown)
  • 23. Robbie O’Flynn (Erins Own)
  • 24. Jack O’Connor (Sarsfields)
  • 25. Patrick Horgan (Glen Rovers)
  • 26. Padraig Power (Blarney)

Cork (Football v Clare)

1. Míchéal Martin (Nemo Rangers)

2. Kevin O’Donovan (Nemo Rangers), 3. Kevin Flahive (Douglas), 4. Tadhg Corkery (Cill Na Martra)

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5. Rory Maguire (Castlehaven), 6. Sean Powter (Douglas), 7. Matthew Taylor (Mallow)

8. Shane Merrit (Mallow), 9. Colm O’Callaghan (Éire Óg)

10. Daniel Dineen (Cill Na Martra), 11. Blake Murphy (St Vincent’s), 12. John O’Rourke (Carbery Rangers)

13. Mark Buckley (Dohenys), 14. Brian Hurley (Castlehaven), 15. David Buckley (Newcestown)

Subs

  • 16. Chris Kelly (Éire Óg)
  • 17. Cian Kiely (Ballincollig)
  • 18. Paudie Allen (Newmarket)
  • 19. Paul Ring (Aghabullogue)
  • 20. John Cooper (Éire Óg)
  • 21. Joe Grimes (Clonakilty)
  • 22. Fionn Herlihy (Dohenys)
  • 23. Eoghan McSweeney (Knocknagree)
  • 24. Mark Cronin (Nemo Rangers)
  • 25. Cillian Donovan (Macroom)
  • 26. Luke Fahy (Ballincollig)

The league returns this weekend.

Source: Inpho

1. Fascinating league awaits

The crowds at last weekend’s football league ties showed a massive appetite is there for inter-county games after Covid restrictions were lifted. There are plenty of enticing contests coming up over the next few weeks on the hurling front with the round 2 showdown between Limerick and Galway and the round 4 clash of Waterford v Tipperary among the stand-out ties. And keep an eye out for the form of Dublin, who enjoyed some eye-catching results in the pre-season and could take a leap forward in 2022. 

2. Henry Shefflin era begins in Galway 

All eyes will be on Galway as Shefflin takes his first steps as an inter-county boss. Like most managers, he’ll be looking to come out of the league with a good idea of his best 20 players ahead of the Leinster campaign. He cast the net wide during the pre-season, using 47 players, and will be hoping a couple of young guns put up their hands in the five games ahead.

It’s easy to forget that at the end of last year’s league Galway were widely considered the biggest challengers to Limerick’s throne. They’ve lost Joe Canning and Aidan Harte, yet their spine remains formidable: Daithi Burke, Fintan Burke, Padraig Mannion, Cathal Mannion, Joseph Cooney, David Burke, Conor Whelan, Brian Concannon and Evan Niland.

3. Will Limerick keep rolling on? 

Their form in the Munster Hurling Cup suggests they will. An experimental Limerick outfit featuring a handful of regulars had nine points to spare over Clare in the final of the pre-season competition last month. They lost S&C coach Mikey Kiely but poached Cairbre O’Caireallain from rivals Tipperary in the off-season. Mike Casey returns from a cruciate injury, with youngsters like Colin Coughlan and Cathal O’Neill vying for first-team opportunities. There’s also interest in how the abolishment of water breaks will affect them, given the adjustments Paul Kinnerk could make after each quarter in the past two seasons.

Brian McGrath could have a big year for Tipperary.

Source: Morgan Treacy/INPHO

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4. Transition in Tipperary

The retirements of Padraic Maher and Brendan Maher, plus the knee injury that could keep John Bubbles O’Dwyer out for the league means Tipperary head into the league down a lot of experience and knowhow. Colm Bonnar will need to find a couple of replacements in his defence, with Brian McGrath an obvious candidate to nail down a starting place.

The return of Patrick Bonner Maher is a boost and John McGrath’s scintillating form in the club championship was also most welcome. The stars of Tipperary’s two All-Ireland U20 winning teams are getting older. Now is the time to find out if they can produce the goods at senior level. The league will tell a lot in that regard.

5. Cork’s response to All-Ireland final 

A chastening defeat to Limerick last August and the subsequent All-Stars snub left a bitter taste in Cork’s mouth after a progressive 2021 season. They lost Eoin Cadogan, Billy Cooper and Colm Spillane to retirement, but Mark Keane joined the squad and Conor Lehane returned after a return to form with Midleton.

Kieran Kingston’s priority in the league will centre around finding athletes in the middle third to match Limerick, with the half-forward line of particular concern. They could do with a couple morale-boosting wins in the league give them momentum. 

Clubmates Michael Fennelly and Henry Shefflin meet on the sideline in round 1.

Source: Ken Sutton/INPHO

6. Battle to survive in Division 1

The task facing Offaly in Group A is a difficult one. They open the campaign against Galway on Sunday, before ties against Cork, Clare, Wexford and Limerick. Having come from Division 2 and the Christy Ring in 2021, it’s a big challenge for Michael Fennelly’s young team. If they can stay competitive and avoid heavy beatings it will leave them in good stead for the Joe Mcdonagh Cup.

The same is true for Laois and Antrim in Group B, although with only one team going into the relegation play-off they have plenty to fight for. Antrim surprised many with a fine league campaign last year and Cheddar Plunkett spoke recently about his desire to prove the O’Moore County belong in the top tier. 

7. Wexford start life after Davy Fitzgerald

Plenty of counties enjoy a first-year bounce when a new manager arrives at the helm and Darragh Egan will be aiming to hit the ground running in the league. He put together an interesting management team with the recent additions of Gordon D’Arcy and Billy Walsh to his set-up. Wexford are coming off the back of two poor seasons, yet the task of replacing Davy Fitzgerald cannot be underestimated.

It’s likely they’ll play without seven defenders for the first time in five years and that will take some adjusting for the players. The 2019 Leinster champions looked flat and open at the back in their one-sided Walsh Cup final loss to Dublin last weekend. Egan will be expecting a response against Limerick on Sunday. 

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How will Wexford fare under Darragh Egan?

Source: Ryan Byrne/INPHO

8. Kerry and Kildare rise

The promotion race in Division 2A will be worth watching given the recent successes in Kerry and Kildare. The Kingdom’s pre-season win over Tipperary coupled with Kilmoyley’s run to the All-Ireland intermediate final are major positives for Stephen Molumphy as he prepares for his rookie league campaign. 

Similarly, Kildare hurling has been steadily improving in recent years after relentless work at underage level. Their U20s beat Wexford last year while Naas lifted the Leinster intermediate title and will play Kilmoyley in Saturday’s All-Ireland decider. Promotion to the top tier in hurling would be another major sign of progress for the Lilywhites.

9. Fresh tactics and talent

Hurling’s evolution has been led by Limerick in recent years. To take down the Treaty, their rivals may need to bring something new rather than attempting to mirror their style. What fresh ideas might Shefflin bring to Galway or Bonnar to Tipperary? What did Cork’s management learn from the All-Ireland defeat to Limerick? What has Liam Cahill up his sleeve as he attempts to get Waterford over the line? Then there’s the young talent that will emerge in the weeks ahead and announce themselves on the national stage. 

10. Managers’ approach

It will be interesting to see how managers approach the league given championship starts in mid-April. There may be less experimentation, although the last time a round-robin format took place the league wasn’t taken as seriously by many leading counties. 

There’s also a sense that teams won’t want to make the Division 1 final given it takes place two weeks out from the beginning of the provincial openers. Plenty to watch out for.

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JUST TWO YEARS after suffering relegation from Dublin’s top-tier championship, the St Sylvester’s Ladies team are preparing for an All-Ireland final.

St Sylvesters’ captain Danielle Lawless [right] is gearing up for the currentaccount.ie intermediate All-Ireland final against

Source: Seb Daly/SPORTSFILE

Their new manager Anthony Cooke has been credited with much of their quick recovery, guiding them to an intermediate county final last October where they accounted for Castleknock to become champions.

A Leinster title followed in December after overcoming Longford Slashers before defeating Fermanagh champions Kinawley Brian Borus in the All-Ireland semi-final.

Their rapid rebirth is now just one win away from reaching the pinnacle of this grade and earning a shot at redemption in the senior ranks.

“He [Cooke] came in with new ideas and it’s something that we all kind of needed,” says St Sylvester’s captain Danielle Lawless ahead of the decider clash with Castlebar Mitchels on Sunday.

“He’s just been phenomenal, the hard work he’s put in on and off the pitch.”

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“I suppose we were kind of struggling with numbers.

“We had a few people leave the team, going away or working. I just don’t think the commitment was there and I just think Covid was a bit of a blessing in disguise.

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“People got a break from football and a break from the disappointment and we came back fresher than ever, and this year has just been unbelievable.”

St Sylvester’s is blessed with inter-county talent. Sinéad Aherne, Niamh McEvoy, Nicole Owens and Kate Sullivan are four Syls players representing their native Dublin, while defender Kim White plays for the Down Ladies. 

Aherne, McEvoy and Owens have played key roles in the Dublin side who who narrowly fell short of completing an All-Ireland five-in-a-row last year.

Unsurprisingly, their input is at the core of St Sylvester’s impressive progress through this year’s championship. In the All-Ireland semi-final, Aherne and Sullivan combined for 3-6 to help their side to a 12-point victory.

“She’s [Aherne] been on form all season and we can always rely on her. And the five other girls up front can be relied on as well so they all compliment each other.”

Remarking on the overall impact of all of St Sylvester’s inter-county contingent, Lawless adds: 

“Just the experience that they bring to our team and new ideas. They’re always willing to help the girls and they improve us. We miss them when they’re gone but when they come back, we all compliment each other so it’s massive to have five superstars on our team.”

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Lawless describes the All-Ireland final as “uncharted territory” for Syls some 10 years on from their last great milestone when the club reached a Leinster final.

They don’t know much about their opponents Castlebar Mitchells, preferring instead to focus on their own strengths and what they can achieve as a team.

“We haven’t really thought about it. Winning the All-Ireland semi-final hasn’t even sunk in yet and I don’t think it will until the whistle blows and we’re standing on a pitch in an All-Ireland final. But it would mean a huge amount to our town.

“The support was phenomenal when we won Dublin and Leinster. I know that’s going to continue to the final so it will mean a huge amount to the community but definitely to the girls as well. We’ve never been here before.

“As a team, we’ve gotten a lot closer. We’ve all gone through this together so it’s been really good.”

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Updated Thu 11:07 PM

THE DRAW HAS been finalised for the semi-finals of the Sigerson Cup, which will take place next Thursday 10 February.

DCU, the reigning champions, will play UL in one clash with MTU Kerry facing NUI Galway in the other fixture.

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Both games will be played at neutral venues to be confirmed with the live-streaming details for the games, also yet to be announced.

DCU held off Ulster University in their quarter-final yesterday, with David Clifford inspiring UL for their triumph against Queens University.

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Tuesday’s quarter-finals saw NUI Galway defeat Letterkenny IT, while MTU Kerry easily overcame Maynooth University.

DCU are the only recent champions involved while NUI Galway last won in 2003, MTU Kerry in 1999 and UL have never claimed the title.

🏆 The @ElectricIreland Higher Education Sigerson Cup Semi-Finals

It is down to the last four and we have two massive games.

Streaming details to follow!!!@GAANUIG v @MTUKerryGAAClub @DCUDocEirGAA v @ul_gaa

#⃣ #GAA #FirstClassRivals #SigersonCup pic.twitter.com/iDKXUqHre5

— GAA Higher Education (@HigherEdGAA) February 3, 2022

The Fitzgibbon Cup quarter-final line-up has been finalised tonight.

The last-eight stage will see NUI Galway hosting Waterford IT, IT Carlow play at home to UCC, while TUS Midwest travel to GMIT and UL host MTU Cork.

Tonight’s games saw UL hammer TU Dublin by 5-25 to 1-14 in Group D, which left TUS Midwest as runners-up in the group.

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MTU Cork fell to GMIT by 1-19 to 1-17 in Group C. Both sides were already through the three-team group, but GMIT’s victory saw them finish top with the Cork side in second.

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Updated Thu 9:30 PM

SATURDAY’S HURLING SCHEDULE will commence for Tommy Guilfoyle in Dr Hyde Park.

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He’s jumped on board as coach to the Roscommon senior hurlers this year, alongside new manager Francis O’Halloran, a pair of Clare natives trying to spread the hurling gospel.

They’re having a puck around at 9am in the Roscommon county ground, to acclimatise themselves to the surroundings before Sunday’s league opener against Tyrone.

Guilfoyle, a long-serving stalwart in Clare hurling forward lines, will be on the sideline for that Division 3A fixture but in between he’ll be back home immersed in local hurling matters.

The plan is hit the road and by Saturday lunchtime be parked up at the Gaelic Grounds in Limerick. He’s on co-commentary duty for Clare FM, this is a game close to his heart. His alma mater St Joseph’s from Tulla partake in a moment of history, their first appearance in a Dr Harty Cup final, the premier Munster hurling colleges competition.

There will be a healthy representation of players from his own club Feakle. The semi-final win over Waterford’s De La Salle took place in Mallow and saw another day of hurling double-jobbing.

After that mid-afternoon game, he was headed to the Connacht GAA Air Dome in Mayo to witness Roscommon win a pre-season provincial league final at the expense of Sligo.

It’s a hectic time but covering so many miles on the road is worth it as he sees the impact in East Clare of this novel hurling journey.

“It’s been building since Christmas really, winning the quarter-final and the semi-final and now this unique occasion.

“The last day, the game was on the Saturday and the lockdown finished on the Friday, so we were back to normal opening. Someone described Tulla on Saturday evening as like Paddy’s weekend, there was a carnival atmosphere around the town.

“The crowd have played a big part in it. They’ve got great support from local clubs and businesses. 

“I’ve been at colleges games own the years but the after the quarter-final, the emotion and joy on the field, I never saw that level before. Parents, past pupils, grandparents, teachers, ex-teachers. There was a big sing-song on the field, I never saw it after a game.

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“Just relief and great joy. So many outside people that weren’t parents or pupils to turn up to a game, and for it to take off with a school team. Saturday afternoons, watching St Joseph’s Tulla is the place to be.”

The final hurdle to be surmounted is on Saturday after a campaign filled with milestones. St Joseph’s had never won a game before in the Dr Harty Cup, that was their modest aim at the outset this season. Their team had climbed steadily through the ranks and have flourished in this knockout format, clipping the wings of St Colman’s Fermoy, CBC Cork and De La Salle Waterford.

The victories have been founded on stirring comebacks and the remarkable free-taking expertise of forward Sean Withycombe, who has hit 1-38 in their last three victories.

“Sean’s father is a Kerryman, he’s very proud of that,” says Guilfoyle.

“It’s the sum of the team more so than individuals. In the quarter-final, the corner-back Dara Ryan popped up with a score when all looked lost. The inspiration and the winnings have come from different areas.

“It’s very much player driven. That comes from a great belief amongst themselves where they’re never beaten.

“This is a once in a generation team based on the strength of the clubs around. They wouldn’t have a conveyor belt coming every year. Down the years Tulla would be looking in the road to Flannan’s, the aristocrats of hurling. I suppose Tulla were wondering, ‘Could it be us?’ ”

Feakle and St Joseph’s Tulla player Adam Hogan.

Source: Lorraine O’Sullivan/INPHO

It is a team anchored by three local clubs – Tulla, Feakle and O’Callaghan Mills supply 12 of the starting side between them. There was one player apiece from Clooney-Quin, Crusheen and Broadford in their starting fifteen for the semi-final.

They have been powered by a strong spirit and sense of unity in their playing group. Life off the pitch has illustrated to Guilfoyle how the players look out for each other and the locality is there to provide valuable support.

“What really bonds this group together is Ronan O’Connor and Oisin O’Connor, the brothers from Feakle, they’ve had a double tragedy in the last couple of years. They lost their father Pat to a farming accident and last year they buried their mother Denise, she died of cancer. It was tragic and such a tough blow for them.

“There has been great support from the school, the teachers and all the parents of their team-mates, not alone when it happened but continue to do so. The lads live just up the road from me. Their fellow players and school mates have really stuck together, in its own way it has really bound them together.

“I remember being around the house at the funerals and the most striking was the amount of students that were there for the few days. The school continues to oversee the supply of dinners and stuff like that. Ronan is the captain, he was on the Clare minor team last year.

“It shines through very strongly that they are a very united bunch. The hurling has been a great outlet for them. The support has been brilliant from everyone and continues within the parish and the clubs and more importantly, the school.”

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Galway’s Aidan Harte.

Source: James Crombie/INPHO

On the hurling front they have plenty expertise guiding them. Terence Fahy is the Clare U20 hurling manager. Tomas Kelly steered Inagh-Kilnamona to last year’s county senior showpiece in the Banner county. Aidan Harte has come across the border from Gort, bringing with him a wealth of playing experience in Galway colours which included the highlight of contributing to their 2017 Liam MacCarthy Cup win.

That trio of teachers adds profile to the sideline, opponents Ardscoil Rís have people of similar stature in current Clare senior Paul Flanagan, former Limerick senior Niall Moran and Clonlara’s Cormac O’Donovan, the supplier of a famous match-winner in Clare’s 2009 All-Ireland U21 final glory.

Ardscoil Rís coach Niall Moran.

Source: Ryan Byrne/INPHO

“The Clare connections add to the intrigue,” says Guilfoyle.

“I’d be a past pupil of Tulla, we had great teachers down the line. We won All-Ireland colleges B back in the ’80s. Seanie McMahon that went on to play for Clare centre-back, his father Michael was involved. John Stack was another great man that put in a lot of effort.”

“The lads now have great experience and know-how. The new school was built seven or eight years ago, and there’s an all-weather pitch there, that all helps and this team has that new identity.

“Let’s hope they can do themselves justice on Saturday. Play the game rather than the occasion because Ardscoil have been there before and they have that winning tradition.

“There’s great excitement around. Everyone wants to be a part of this.”

  • Dr Harty Cup final: St Joseph’s Tulla v Ardscoil Rís, Gaelic Grounds, 1pm – Saturday 5 February.

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The “TikTok intifada”

April 2, 2022 | News | No Comments

Israel unquestionably has the military advantage in its ongoing conflict with Hamas. But in the fight to control the public narrative of the conflict, Israel’s edge seems to be slipping.

In previous rounds of conflict, the Israeli government was often able to capitalize on its widely followed official social media channels, as well as statements by leaders, to help shape the narrative in its favor, portraying itself as a nation unjustly under attack with the sole goal of defending itself.

But this time around, Palestinians speaking out against the Israeli occupation and its overwhelming military bombardment of Gaza have had far more success in telling their side of the story on social media — eroding Israel’s edge in the battle of perspectives and gaining a rapt audience in the US.

From making solidarity videos on TikTok to using Twitter to organize international protests to posting videos to Instagram showing Israeli airstrikes on Gaza, Palestinians and those around the world sympathetic to their plight have made social media a central weapon in the narrative fight against Israel. Those weapons are deployed on many fronts: using different platforms to target multiple audiences — in the region and around the world — while also using apps to coordinate actions among themselves.

The majority use it to counter the Israeli government’s claims and promote a pro-Palestinian narrative, though some take to social media to praise the actions of Hamas.

“It’s like a TikTok intifada,” said Michael Bröning, executive director of the German think tank Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s office in New York, using the Arabic term used to describe previous Palestinian uprisings.

Social media played a central role in past Israel-Gaza wars, where clips on YouTube and messages on Facebook and Twitter aimed to report events in real time. But the emergence of new platforms like Telegram and TikTok have allowed more — and younger — people to engage with this flare-up online. And now that social media platforms are a key delivery system for news consumption, many on the apps can experience the complexities of the region in real time, muddying the usual easy storylines.

“There is a penetration of the mainstream narrative,” said Marwa Fatafta, a Berlin-based policy analyst at Al-Shabaka, a Palestinian-focused think tank headquartered in New York City. “People are able to see with their own eyes, without being censored, what’s going on minute by minute.”

But Palestinians have also found the proliferation of social media to be a “double-edged sword,” in the words of two experts. Far-right Israeli Jewish mobs have reportedly coordinated attacks on Israeli Arabs via the messaging app Telegram, for example, and lies hyping the Palestinian “threat” have spread wildly on WhatsApp. “Palestinians are coming, parents protect your children,” read one message.

“We’re getting more unfiltered perspectives from the Israeli side,” said Emerson Brooking, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council think tank in Washington, DC, and co-author of LikeWar: The Weaponization of Social Media. The ultimate result is that “it’s not two sides presenting their perspectives. It’s much messier and much less centralized than it was before.”

That messiness has allowed Palestinian voices and their stories to emerge during the crisis while weakening the usual monopoly the Israeli government has on messaging. It’s an asset Palestinians don’t want to lose.

“We’re the weak ones. Social media — our cameras and our videos — is one of the only means that we have. They have the weapons and the laws and the infrastructure,” said Inès Abdel Razek, advocacy director for the Palestine Institute for Public Diplomacy. “Palestinians just want to explain why this is happening and contextualize.”

Palestinians are winning the online war against the Israeli government

The online activism of Mohammed El-Kurd, whose family in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah is slated for eviction from their home by right-wing Israeli settler organizations, made him an instant celebrity. A poet, he’s used his facility with words and social media — namely Instagram — to make his case against Israeli occupation and for the residents of his area.

Now, news organizations around the world ask him for interviews, providing him a platform to make his case — and that of Palestinians more broadly.

“It’s not really an eviction, it’s forced ethnic displacement, to be accurate, because an eviction implies legal authority,” he told CNN last week, describing the attempt to evict his family from their home in Sheikh Jarrah. “While the Israeli occupation has no legitimate jurisdiction over the eastern parts of occupied Jerusalem under international law, it also implies the presence of a landlord.”

The day after his interview, Israeli forces removed him from Sheikh Jarrah — a moment captured on social media.

The rancor from Israeli authorities may have stemmed from the fact that El-Kurd managed to distill the Palestinian position on a sensitive issue in American media, where the Palestinian plight is heard less often than the Israeli one.

Meanwhile, Palestinians in Gaza keep uploading videos showing their experience under bombardment. One TikTok video from last week, which has been “liked” over 4 million times, purportedly shows Gazans running after an airstrike. Another popular TikTok video featured images of crying Palestinian children and the destruction of a high-rise building after an Israeli attack.

It’s not just images of suffering that dominate Palestinian-focused TikTok, though. Beauty bloggers like Miryam Beauty are posting videos in which they paint their face the colors of the Palestinian flag, a way to show support for that cause without having to say a word.

These uploads allow Palestinians battling with police in East Jerusalem, withstanding Israel’s attacks in Gaza, and watching the conflict from afar to speak with a common voice. “Palestinian sentiment has been awakened and unified,” said Fatafta. “There’s a new sense of identity and new sense of understanding and solidarity with Palestinians.”

There’s another reason for the Palestinian success online, American University’s Thomas Zeitzoff told me, namely that their plight against state violence reminds many in the US of the Black Lives Matter movement. That’s led progressives in Congress, for example, to explicitly link what they’re seeing online to the fight for racial justice at home.

“We must recognize that Palestinian rights matter. Palestinian lives matter,” Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) wrote last week in the New York Times.

Celebrities, who tend to avoid sensitive global conflicts, have also waded in. Two of them are Gigi and Bella Hadid, supermodels whose father is Palestinian. Gigi posted to her more than 66 million Instagram followers last week that “You cannot pick & choose whose human rights matter more.”

It seems that celebrities and politicians lifting Palestinian voices have brought the issue into the mainstream. The US fashion Instagram account @diet_prada posted a cartoon asking its nearly 3 million followers to “Stand with the oppressed” — and calling Israelis the “oppressors.”

Of course, that narrative still has to compete with pro-Israel content on social media platforms. The problem for Israel is that, when it comes to official government accounts, at least, attempts to sway the conversation to the pro-Israel side often ending up doing just the opposite.

Israel’s social media game is weak right now

Israeli government accounts on Twitter, Instagram, and elsewhere, which have millions of followers, make it easy for the official line to reach an audience. But that’s not always a good thing.

Take this thread post from the state of Israel’s verified Twitter account, which includes rows and rows of nothing but rocket emojis — 12 full tweets’ worth.

Once you get to the bottom of the thread, it becomes clear that the emojis are meant to represent all the rockets Hamas has indiscriminately launched into Israel, threatening and killing the nation’s citizens.

But in the midst of a conflict that has also seen an overwhelming Israeli aerial bombardment of Gaza, seeing the country’s official Twitter account tweeting nothing but rows and rows of what at quick glance can also look an awful lot like warplanes struck the wrong chord with many on social media, including some who perhaps didn’t bother to scroll all the way down to the tweet explaining the thread.

Others simply objected to what seemed like a blatant attempt to focus solely on Hamas’s actions devoid of any context. Some of the responses were brutal:

It was far from the first time an official Israeli account stepped in it.

An Instagram post from the Israel Defense Forces’ official account showed two stacked photos of a high-rise building in Gaza. The first, labeled “Before” in Hebrew, showed the building standing tall. The second, labeled “After,” showed the building as a pile of rubble. The text accompanying the images extolled the IDF’s “significant achievement” of destroying yet another multi-story tower in Gaza, which it said was “used by terrorist organizations.”

Here, again, though some supporters praised the post, many people were disgusted by the bragging tone.

“[E]very time i think there’s a limit to the sheer joy someone can take in human suffering, the IDF social media manager bursts through,” one Twitter user wrote.

And then there’s Gal Gadot, the Israeli actress famous for portraying Wonder Woman, who tweeted that while “Israel deserves to live as a free and safe nation, Our neighbors deserve the same.”

Gadot disabled comments on the tweet for all the vitriol she received, with some claiming the former Israeli military soldier was putting out “propaganda” for her country. Still, this was a far more measured comment than what she wrote in 2014 during the last time the Israeli government fought against Hamas.

“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote on her official Facebook page at the time. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas, who are hiding like cowards behind women and children.”

So even when celebrities weigh in or official social media account take a more straightforward approach and attempt to show the plight of Israeli citizens living under constant rocket attack from Hamas, the results often fail to stir the same level of sympathy and outrage simply because Israel’s overwhelming offensive and defensive military capabilities — including its powerful Iron Dome system, which intercepts a huge percentage (though not all) of the rockets Hamas fires — creates a vast disparity in the number of deaths and injuries suffered on both sides.

As of Thursday, the death toll was over 200 for Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank and over 10 in Israel.

Official social media accounts of governments everywhere often struggle to come across as genuine or humorous or anything but stiff, scripted propaganda. But when you’re the occupying power with a staggeringly powerful military in the middle of a bloody war where the bulk of the casualties are on the other side, it’s hard to come across as the good guy, even if there is genuine suffering on your side, too.

Israel is at least doing better with Western and English-speaking social media users than Hamas is. Phillip Smyth, a Soref fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy in Washington, DC, told me Hamas doesn’t target that audience online. “A lot of their social media is aimed internally,” he said, though the militant group occasionally makes videos to taunt Israel. “There’s a constant propaganda stream that Hamas runs.”

In part by design, then, Hamas’s social media efforts aren’t reaching certain Palestinians following the conflict. “I don’t see that Hamas is using social media effectively because it’s not getting to me,” said Dana El Kurd, an assistant professor at the Doha Institute of Graduate Studies in Qatar. “It’s just not out there, and I consider myself pretty plugged in.”

Still, Israel struggles now to outcompete everyday Palestinians on social media, despite the weakness of Hamas.

It’s why few experts believe the Israeli government’s attempts to influence the narrative in their favor will prove more impactful than what Palestinians are saying online. “It’s not an equal war,” Gabriel Weimann, a professor of communication at Haifa University in Israel, told the BBC on Saturday. “From the Israeli side you see a counter flow, which I must say is less powerful, not organized at all, and if you ask me less persuasive.”

“Maybe because in Israel nobody thought that TikTok would be a powerful or important platform,” he continued.

Put together, experts I spoke to are unanimous that 2021 is the year Palestinians proved they could compete with the Israeli government in the narrative battle.

But if Palestinians taste victory, it’s certainly not as sweet as could be.

The Palestinian rise on social media is contested by Israelis

While Palestinians can use social media for their purposes, so can everyday Israelis — and that’s not always great for the Palestinian movement.

Using Facebook and Telegram, Israeli Jewish mobs have reportedly organized violent campaigns against Israeli Arabs. Some groups succeeded, including a mob last week vandalizing Arab-owned property in the city of Bat Yam before beating up a driver who’s believed to be Arab. “We’re watching a lynching in real time,” a reporter watching the scene unfold said off camera. “There are no police here.”

Importantly, there are also incidents of Israeli Arab mobs targeting Israeli Jews in multiple cities, including beating a man in his 30s in Acre into a life-threatening condition.

These and other instances show that certain social media platforms can “serve as a quasi NextDoor app for communal violence,” said American University’s Zeitzoff. They’re also exposing the deep divisions within Israeli society.

There’s also a misinformation problem.

Prominent Israeli officials and figures, including a spokesperson for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, shared a 28-second video on Twitter and claimed it showed Palestinian militants shooting rockets at Israelis from a civilian area. But that video was actually from 2018, and the militants were likely in either Syria or Libya, not Gaza.

However, Arieh Kovler, an Israel-based political analyst who studies misinformation, told me he’s not sure Israeli leaders are purposely misleading their audiences. He said everyone’s too busy to check the veracity of the videos they’re sharing — there’s a war going on, after all. What’s more, people often share videos that, for them, represent a truth they believe.

Kovler mimicked that thought process: Maybe Hamas isn’t shooting rockets from within a crowded population center, but it’s seems like something they’d do, so I’ll share the video anyway.

Kovler also doesn’t think the misinformation problem is as bad as portrayed. He runs a 90,000-person Facebook group called “Secret Jerusalem” where residents and tourists can post details about the city. Kovler said he’s rarely had to remove misinformation on his page relating to the current conflict, noting he had to do so much more often when members posted anti-vaccination content during the pandemic.

Still, the fact that everyday Israelis can coordinate against Palestinians, share their own views, and spread misinformation is just one challenge facing Palestinians in the narrative fight online.

And some of the posts from nongovernmental pro-Israel accounts can be quite compelling. One particularly striking TikTok purports to show an Israeli soldier protecting a Palestinian woman from rocks thrown by other Palestinians in the West Bank city of Hebron.

Still, most experts see Israel as likely to continue losing the narrative war. “This more complex information environment will work to Israel’s detriment,” said Brooking, the Atlantic Council fellow.

Of course, the narrative victory means very little if it doesn’t stop Israeli bombs from falling.

Aja Romano and Rebecca Jennings contributed to this report.

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With the ceasefire came relief. The shelling had stopped. People were visiting each other, feeling happy, Salwa Tibi, a Gaza program representative for CARE International, said.

Earlier this week, Tibi hadn’t been sure if she would see the next morning, or the morning after that, so heavy was the bombardment from Israeli airstrikes. This week, Tibi’s daughter, pregnant for the first time, gave birth in the hospital, Tibi’s granddaughter, Naya, entering the world to the sound of shelling for hours and hours.

The Egypt-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, the Islamic militant group that controls Gaza, ended the immediate violence, the most pressing need for a territory that had been besieged by Israeli airstrikes for 11 days.

Humanitarian aid groups in Gaza had been struggling to respond to a ballooning emergency. Fuel, food, water, and medicine are all scarce in Gaza. Israeli airstrikes have blown up roads and other critical infrastructure. And the violence had prevented humanitarian groups and workers from being able to reach the people most in need.

Gaza is no longer an active war zone, but the emergency hasn’t fully abated. Israeli airstrikes have toppled high-rise buildings and turned homes and apartments to rubble. Israel said it was targeting Hamas and its networks, including rocket launchers and tunnels, but those targets are often intertwined with schools, clinics, and residential buildings.

According to Gaza’s Ministry of Public Works and Housing, before the ceasefire, about 230 buildings containing more than 991 housing and commercial units were destroyed, with hundreds more severely damaged. More than 72,000 people were displaced in the past week, and about 56,000 — about half of whom were children — sought shelter in schools run by the United Nations Refugee and Works Agency (UNRWA).

Some of those people are expected to start returning to their homes now that the fighting has halted. But clean drinking water remains scarce because of damage to some of Gaza’s water and sanitation facilities, and because of a lack of fuel to run these systems. About 800,000 people don’t have ready access to safe piped water, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

Electricity is also in short supply; during the bombardment, electricity would come on for just a few hours a day. Those shortages also affected hospitals, which have been relying on generators for incubators, surgeries, and treatment of injured patients. Medical supplies and equipment are stretched.

That is taxing a health care system already strained by the pandemic, which must now treat the coronavirus and the traumas of war. There are also increasing fears of another coronavirus spike, because the violence forced some to crowded shelters and halted the territory’s vaccination campaign.

International aid organizations and humanitarian groups are rushing to meet this need — and to prepare for the rebuilding process.

The reality of the past two weeks is also settling in. Though Israeli officials repeatedly said they sought to minimize civilian casualties, the death toll is stark: more than 240 Palestinians killed, including more than 60 children, according to the Hamas-affiliated Gaza Health Ministry. More than 6,700 have been wounded, according to the World Health Organization.

“The bombs aren’t dropping, and everyone’s relieved to get on with their lives,” Jack Byrne, Palestine country director for Anera, an organization that works with Palestinian and other refugees in the region, said.

“But the reality of what happened, of the people who died, is hitting people now after the relief of this stopping,” he added.

Gaza has been pushed to the brink

About 2 million Palestinians live in the Gaza Strip, a tiny strip of land just 140 square miles that’s wedged between Israel and the Mediterranean Sea. It’s one of the most tightly populated places on the planet.

Since the Islamist militant group Hamas seized control of Gaza in 2007, Israel has imposed a blockade of the flow of commercial goods into the territory that has decimated the economy and denied Palestinians basic necessities. For this reason, Gaza is often described as an “open air prison.”

The periodic outbreak of war between Hamas and Israel has exacerbated the crisis. Israel has launched several military operations in Gaza, including an air campaign and ground invasion in late 2008 and early 2009, a major bombing campaign in 2012, and another air/ground assault in the summer of 2014.

Gaza, then, has been stuck in a state of crisis, which this latest round of fighting made more acute. Many international, regional, and local NGOs and UN-funded agencies, like UNICEF and UNRWA, a longstanding agency that works with Palestinians refugees in Gaza and the region, maintain a permanent presence, providing economic development; agriculture; and women, youth, and mental health programs, among many others.

Now, for most, the mission has shifted to trying to meet the most urgent needs of the people in Gaza.

The truce between Israel and Hamas has started to allow for the increased flow of goods, which had slowed during the fighting because of border closures.

The conflict had also complicated the ability to deliver aid at all, or fully assess what was happening on the ground. Hozayfa Yazji, area manager in Gaza for the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), who spoke to me before the ceasefire, said the insecurity had left “no way to assess the situation, to find a secure road for our humanitarian workers so they can do the work.”

The ceasefire has removed the biggest obstacle to delivering aid. Food, first-aid kits, medicines, and fuel are now arriving mostly unimpeded. But now groups are rushing to deliver aid as soon as possible, and to make sure they can find the families who are the most in need.

Gaza’s health care system is also being tested. It was already overstretched before the outbreak of fighting, because of the wear and tear of the 14-year blockade and because the territory had just experienced a Covid-19 surge.

Aid workers said medical facilities lacked basic supplies and equipment, like blood bags. Two prominent doctors — the head of internal medicine at Al-Shifa Hospital, who trained other doctors, and a neurologist — were killed in airstrikes last week.

According to the World Health Organization, 19 health facilities have been damaged in the Gaza Strip. A primary health care clinic in northern Gaza was destroyed, and an Israeli airstrike damaged a Doctors Without Borders (MSF) trauma and burns care clinic last weekend. Nobody at the clinic was hurt, but according to MSF, the bomb tore down the room where the clinic sterilizes its medical equipment. The clinic, which normally serves about 1,500 patients a year, had to close.

Natalie Thurtle, MSF medical coordinator in the Palestinian territories, said the closure meant that less serious injuries would have to be offloaded to hospitals, which also had to deal with more critical injuries, including people wounded by airstrikes.

Concerns about a resurgence of coronavirus are also increasing. A blast destroyed Gaza’s only lab to process an already limited number of Covid-19 tests. With tens of thousands displaced, many sought safety in crowded schools or shelters, or moved in with other family members, making social distancing impossible.

The violence also interrupted Gaza’s small Covid-19 vaccination campaign. The World Health Organization is sending about 10,000 doses of China’s Sinopharm vaccine. But even with that incoming aid, many humanitarian workers fear the chaos and confusion and the still precarious position Gaza is in may give Covid-19 a chance to resurge.

A ceasefire will help critical aid get through. But the damage is already done.

An end to the fighting is the first step, but it won’t fully stem the crisis already underway. The humanitarian crisis persists.

“The population of Gaza is not going to be able to recover easily from this,” MSF’s Thurtle told me.

Tens of thousands of Palestinians have lost their homes; critical infrastructure, already fragile, has to be rebuilt. These are also just the visible signs of a trauma Gaza recently went through, and has before, multiple times.

And humanitarian groups said another generation in Gaza will now be traumatized by war. More than 40 schools were damaged during the bombardment, according to OCHA. The NRC was already providing psychosocial support to about 75,000 kids between ages 5 and 15.

Of the dozens of children killed in Gaza, at least 11 were already involved in their programs, some of them siblings. Ivan Karakashian, Palestine advocacy chief for the Norwegian Refugee Council, told me the NRC will now provide emergency education and mental health support to kids who are currently in shelters or staying with host families.

“Children have been suffering terribly after 12 years of closures and four armed conflicts,” Damian Rance, from UNICEF’s Palestine office, said. “And really, what we need to do is allow a reprieve and some respite, so we can at least pick up the pieces and try and rebuild.”

There is desperate need, but there is also a sense of déjà vu: Gaza has been here before. The truce is just a temporary fix. Without resolving the underlying crisis, every time there’s a cycle of hostilities, Karakashian said, “we just seem to be building and rebuilding and rebuilding again.”

The economic situation, always precarious, will crack even more. The moment they make progress, Yazji told me, something happens, and you have to go back and reconstruct all that work, everything again from scratch.

“We will start doing our work again and to start to rebuild again, to support the kids the children and their teachers, their parents — and then something new happens,” Yazji said.

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Weeks ago, the Indian capital ran out of space for its dead.

New Delhi’s public parks and parking lots were converted into sites for mass cremations of Hindus, Sikhs, and Jains. Cremations are an important Hindu funeral ritual, but Indian crematoria declared that they were out of wood for pyres, and burial grounds for the city’s Muslims and Christians reached capacity.

As the current wave of India’s Covid-19 epidemic has claimed tens of thousands of lives and infected hundreds of thousands each day, aerial photographs of grounds strewn with burning logs and piles of ash have made their way to the front pages of international newspapers and spread across social media.

On roads outside overflowing hospitals, desperate people await beds for relatives dying in their arms, and the bereaved break down. Inside, photos capture patients preparing to face their fate even as health care workers go about the work of keeping them alive. Then there are the pictures of front-line workers performing final rites — lighting pyres and lowering bodies into graves — of those they don’t even know.

These smoky compositions, punctuated by PPE-adorned figures, will be the defining images of India’s coronavirus nightmare. As an art critic, my work revolves around seeing and responding to images through language. Now, I find myself at a loss for words, dwelling on banal details outside the frame — how did people get to the hospital, where are the homes they return to, how are cremation workers processing the sheer number of pyres they must light?

One feature all these photos have in common is the haunted eyes above masks, expressing the range of emotions humanity is capable of feeling, from listlessness to devastation. Then there are the chilling ones, of endless queues of body bags waiting to be attended to. For many of us, this feels familiar — to be Indian is to be always in a crowd, jostling for space in our populous nation — albeit with a macabre, tragic twist.

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But even as these photographs call the world’s attention to the apocalyptic situation in India, they have triggered a backlash, one that has highlighted Western media’s past failings in covering the subcontinent and its people, framing them as poor and backward.

Photojournalists have been attacked for taking pictures of mass cremations and capitalizing on “Hindu suffering,” foreign correspondents were harassed for commenting on them, and some accounts claimed that they are proof of Western media’s “cultural insensitivity” toward Indian deaths. The thrust of much of the criticism is that by taking and distributing these images of mass funerals, the foreign press is exploiting the Indian people’s trauma and encroaching in particular on Hindu cremation rituals.

Certainly from the outside looking in, the visual evidence of the destruction wrought by Covid-19 is graphic and disquieting. Yet for many of us who are in India, close to the catastrophe, the images are stark encapsulations of our daily experience sourcing oxygen and beds for both people we love and anonymous strangers.

In the throes of firefighting, one is unaware of the extent of the horror. The photographs remedy that. The stricken eyes and body bags communicate a warning: It could be me, my relative, my friend, the neighborhood shopkeeper, the nameless lady I’d often see on my metro route. Everyone knows someone who has succumbed to the disease; sorrow is in the air, much like the virus.

Some of the criticisms are good-faith attempts to protect the dignity of the dead and their families and seek context alongside images of mass cremations. Media organizations are in the midst of a reckoning over the publication of images of death and trauma of Black and brown people, especially amid criticism of the circulation of images of police brutality against African American communities; dehumanizing images of migrants and their children; and visual coverage of war and violence in non-US countries. And both within India and in the wider diaspora, some have voiced concern that these images of mass funerals and mass grief “show India in a bad light.”

It’s important not to forget, for example, how the 2012 Delhi gang-rape case was framed in terms that suggested India was uniquely patriarchal and misogynistic, rather than one among many societies, including those in the West, where violence against women is normalized to varying degrees. There is thus in South Asia founded mistrust of European and American news media directing a patronizing and colonial gaze at our nation.

But in the case of India’s coronavirus epidemic, images from the crisis are a crucial safeguard against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s pro-Hindu nationalist regime that seeks to hide these bodies, to hide the truth, lest its criminal neglect be exposed before the world. We have, in a short period of time, experienced periodic pogroms and other political forms of death. For many of us, these photographs bear a moral imperative to be taken and viewed.

India’s public health crisis has been fueled by the government’s mismanaged response, including ignoring scientists’ warnings of a new and more contagious Covid-19 variant, and allowing potential superspreader events such as religious festivals and election campaign rallies. Officials have gone as far as to try to discredit reports that Covid-19 cases spiked as a result.

Despite the scale of the tragedy unfolding within the country, wrote Arundhati Roy in the Guardian, Modi’s government seems mostly focused on image management, denying that the nation faces oxygen shortages, and overstating its success in quelling the virus.

Indians still do not know the full extent of the havoc wreaked by the virus because of what one expert calls a “massacre of data,” with hospitals, public officials, and even families believed to be undercounting and suppressing the number of cases and deaths. In January at the World Economic Forum at Davos, Modi boasted of launching the world’s largest vaccination program, aimed at inoculating 300 million Indians within months. As of mid-May, 140 million people have received at least one dose, but only 40 million are fully vaccinated.

The administration has also attempted to conceal the truth about its actions by falsely questioning the accuracy of the photos published in the international media and attempting to curtail journalists’ movements. In late April, the Indian government ordered Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram to take down posts critical of its handling of the pandemic. (They complied.)

It has encouraged the spread of dishonest rhetoric, which frames these images and their consumption as racialized voyeurism. On the contrary, the images coming out of India are part of its democratic citizenry’s desperate and hard-won attempt to reveal the scale of the state’s negligence, despite a press that has been suppressed by the Modi administration over its seven years in power.

Arguments on social media or in opinion pieces by pro-Modi messengers that images of Hindu cremations are culturally insensitive are not based on the truth. There is a long, uncontroversial history of media coverage of Hindu cremations: the funerals of public figures like Mohandas Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were media spectacles covered in the global news media, and these pyres were photographed and filmed without protest. In most practices of caste Hinduism, there is no bar on viewing funerals (except for some problematic prohibitions against women and Dalits from accessing upper-caste crematoriums).

In fact, grief is not traditionally understood as a private emotion — until the mid-19th century, cremation sites or “shamshan ghats” were open and unpoliced. Characterizing these images as Hinduphobic or as having “mocked and exoticized” Hindu rituals is wrong; those concerned with the impression of Hinduism abroad might be better served helping to end the caste system, seen plainly in the fact that Hindu funerals involve labor by men from oppressed caste communities forced into front-line work without appropriate PPE kits.

Even if some might be advocating for the takedown of these images in good faith, others are advancing the regime’s cause by adopting the language of cultural sensitivity. Characterizing honest reportage as racism, xenophobia, and ignorance is a shrewd strategy of ideologues to shut down deserved critique of India’s current far-right government.

Given how rapidly and globally images are disseminated, these visual testimonies of India’s agony and its government’s shame are forcing the international community to pay attention in real time. If anything, the fact that the Modi government and its supporters want these images suppressed should be reason to seek them out.

Photographing and looking at images of the dead and those whom they leave behind is a complicated process with few ready answers. It must always be a careful and compassionate exercise, centering the wishes of those who’ve passed away and those who knew them best. The Indian journalists taking these photographs are deeply affected by this thankless task, and seeing the photos has been difficult for those of us for whom this nightmare is playing out in our backyards. However, viewing images of death in India is an act of empathy and solidarity during a worldwide disaster; some of us have it worse because we elected the wrong people.

I believe that in this case, the claim that these videos and photographs violate the dignity of the dead is neither morally tenable nor historically accurate. Rather, it is the safety of those still living that is at stake if the true scale of this state-enabled humanitarian crisis in India is not brought into the world’s view.

With input from Tanvi Misra.

Kamayani Sharma is a Delhi-based writer and researcher. She is a regular contributor to Artforum, Momus, the White Review and the Caravan, among others. She runs South Asia’s first independent visual culture podcast, ARTalaap.