Le théâtre du Châtelet accueillait lundi soir les Trophées afro-caribéens. Les artistes d’Outre-mer et de l’Afrique francophone était à l’honneur, tout comme Danny Glover, invité d’exception de la soirée. L’acteur américain a été fait chevalier des Arts et Lettres juste avant le début de la cérémonie.

Son personnage de L’arme fatale a beau marteler à longueur de film qu’il a «passé l’âge pour ces conneries», Danny Glover, 65 ans, avait bon pied et bon œil lundi soir pour fouler le tapis rouge tendu devant le théâtre du Châtelet. Et il valait mieux pour lui être alerte, pour fendre la foule des photographes et journalistes présents.

Danny Glover, arrivé tout droit du festival du film américain de Deauville, était l’invité d’honneur des 6e Trophées afro-caribéens. En marge de la cérémonie, Frédéric Mitterrand l’a fait chevalier des Arts et Lettres. Au terme d’un bref discours, le ministre de la Culture a salué la carrière et l’engagement de l’acteur: «En France, c’est souvent la figure de l’intellectuel, universitaire ou écrivain, qu’on attend sur le terrain de l’engagement. Aux Etats-Unis, les grands acteurs se sont aussi pleinement emparés de cette mission d’intérêt public. Cher Danny Glover, vous faites partie de ceux qui donnent ses lettres de noblesse à ce qui porte aux Etats-Unis le beau nom d’activisme». Un discours que l’acteur Jimmy Jean-Louis traduisait à l’oreille de l’Américain.

De nombreuses personnalités avaient fait le déplacement, Valérie Bègue, Malika Ménard, Joey Starr ou encore M Pokora. Sans oublier les nommés dans les différentes catégories des trophées. Le rappeur Soprano a été distingué dans les catégories album de l’année et meilleur clip, les films Les amours d’un zombie et Notre étrangère ont été récompensés, ainsi que le documentaire Ithemba l’espoir. Les livres Haiti, une traversée littéraire de Louis-Philippe Dalembert et Lyonel Trouillot, et le roman Corps mêlés de Marvin Victor ont également reçus les dits trophées.

Jean-Christian Hay

Mardi 13 septembre 2011

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The European Union’s special envoy to the Caucasus, Philippe Lefort, is stepping down tomorrow (31 January), five months before the end of his mandate. Neither Lefort, a French career diplomat, nor the European External Action Service (EEAS) has explained why he handed in his resignation in early January. The post will, however, be retained, and is expected to be filled shortly, with the appointee being given a mandate beyond June.

“It was essential that Mr Lefort’s excellent work be taken forward without interruption,” the EEAS told European Voice. Lefort and his two predecessors were tasked with helping EU and international efforts to resolve three conflicts dating from the early 1990s, when Georgia lost control of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and ethnic Armenians wrested Nagorno-Karabakh from Azerbaijan’s hands.

The decision to continue the post of EU special representative (EUSR) for the region bucks a trend toward reducing the number of special envoys and contrasts with the struggle in 2011 to retain the post.

When the mandate of the previous EUSR, Peter Semneby, expired in February 2011, the EU’s foreign policy chief, Catherine Ashton, left the position vacant until September. Ashton argued for its discontinuation but eventually bowed to calls from member states to retain the post.

A compromise was struck that resulted in the elimination of another position – of special envoy for the crisis in Georgia, a role created after the war between Georgia and Russia in 2008 – with the mandate of that post being added to Lefort’s. During the Georgian-Russian war, Lefort was France’s deputy ambassador to Russia.

Value

Question marks have persisted over the role and value of the envoy in the region. While the mandate includes efforts to broker peace in Nagorno-Karabakh, in practice Azerbaijan’s objections have resulted in EU special envoys – Lefort, Semneby and, before them, Heikki Talvitie – staying out of the disputed territory.

In Georgia, which has received more EU attention, there have been suggestions that the EU has been sending mixed messages. As well as a delegation in Tbilisi, the EU has a security mission in Georgia, the European Union Monitoring Mission (EUMM), with a mandate to monitor the implementation of the six-point agreement that ended the war in Georgia.

Diplomatic sources and others active in the Caucasus speak of a poor relationship between Ashton and Lefort. One diplomat said Lefort, who had previously served as ambassador to Georgia, had “even bigger problems in communication with Georgians”.

Member states felt that it was important to signal support for Georgia’s decision to strike political and trade agreements with the EU in November, as well as for conflict resolution in the region. Georgia’s ambition to move closer to the EU is seen as leaving it vulnerable to additional pressure from Russia.

France plays a large role in the region. In 2008, the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, led the EU’s efforts to end the war in Georgia. France is also one of the three countries – with Russia and the United States – that lead the Minsk Group formed by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in an effort to settle the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.

Ashton’s decision to continue the post contrasts sharply with her willingness to go against the wishes of EU member states over other special-envoy posts, notably in December when she abolished the post of special envoy for the Middle East peace process.

In a review of the EEAS published in mid-2013, Ashton argued that the role of special envoys should be fully absorbed into the EEAS. At present, they are funded out of a budget controlled by the European Commission, and nominations must be approved by member states. However, the foreign policy chief has the sole right to create and abolish the post of EUSR, and the responsibility for selecting envoys.

Member states are currently debating Ashton’s proposal. The mandates of seven other envoys expire in mid-2014.

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When leading economist Jeffrey Sachs gives three cheers for the new EU climate and energy policy for 2030, there are reasons for us to be proud.

Or when in Davos UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said the ”ambitious proposals are the standard to follow”; World Bank President Jim Yong Kim praised Europe’s ”climate leadership and ambition” and UN climate chief Christiana Figueres called them a ”positive signal for a meaningful 2015 agreement”, there are reasons for us to believe that not only have we moved first, but we have also moved with ambition.

And when some environmental groups label our proposals ”unambitious”, while some industry sectors call them ”too ambitious”, one could think that we have found the right balance.

The European Commission outlined its proposals for climate and energy policies up to 2030 very recently. These include a binding emissions reduction target of 40% from 1990 levels and an EU-wide binding target of at least 27% of energy coming from renewable sources. And on energy efficiency, the Energy Commissioner will first review the current legislation before proposing the next steps. But they will come.

Overall, these proposals seemed to have had a timid reception here in Europe compared to the more positive comments coming from international leaders. But these give us reasons to believe that the real ambition of our proposals and what they mean to the fight against climate change have been recognised.

Firstly, because our 40% is in line with science as it put us right on track to meet our 2050 goal of cutting emissions by 80%-95%. This is what developed countries will need to reduce by 2050 according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) to keep global warming below 2°C.

Secondly, because 40% is an ambitious emissions target as it can only be met by reducing emissions in the EU. This is unlike the 20% emissions target for 2020, which could be partially met by financing projects outside the EU to compensate for our emissions. And as we cut more here in Europe, we will attract the investments and technology.

And finally, because the 40% target is doable and cost effective. Our economic analyses show that 40% target can be achieved with manageable short term investments and in a way that unleashes significant long term benefits.

Just like the 2020 target, the 40% emissions target will be binding at both European level and national level as it will be broken down into binding national targets.

We will of course continue a strong focus on renewable energy. And here the Commission proposed a renewables target binding at European level but not a national level through national obligations.

While the practical details must be worked out and agreed, the bottom line is that Europe must continue expanding renewables while allowing flexibility to transform the European energy system in a way that every member state contributes to meet our commons climate goals.

True, an ambitious 40% emission reduction target will itself stimulate investments in renewables across the EU. But having a binding renewables target will boost even more investment in clean energy – something which a target for emissions alone would not achieve.

Cleantech business leaders such as Vestas CEO Anders Runevad and Climate Group CEO Mark Kenber agree that our proposals are a real driver for clean economic growth.

With these proposals, the Commission has set the course for a low-carbon future. And I’m happy to see that the European Parliament supported the 40% emissions target last week. This sends a clear signal to the EU governments so that Europe will be the first one out of the gate with such an ambitious climate target that takes account of our global responsibility.

And hopefully our ambition will be seen by many countries as a benchmark and an important driver in securing ambition for the domestic preparations of other countries and, as a result, for the 2015 agreement.

So now it is up to the European leaders to take it forward, and keep the EU’s leadership in the international climate talks and the low-carbon technology race.

Connie Hedegaard is the European commissioner for climate action.

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The compulsion to compromise is deeply engrained in the psyche of the European Union. An addiction to find agreement, seemingly at any cost, results all too often in outcomes that satisfy no one completely, though they may be tolerated by most: the triumph of the lowest common denominator.

In a few walks of EU life – notably competition policy and trade policy – the European Commission has sufficient power to take a purer line, though even there it often opts for compromise, perhaps out of habit. In most areas of EU policy, messy compromise is simply the order of the day.

In its dealings with the outside world, the EU’s inability to hold a firm, united line is often a disadvantage. It frequently struggles to corral its member states (now 28) into a constant common position.

Nevertheless, it is surprising and regrettable to see the EU unable to stand up to the diplomatic muscle of Kosovo, a country that has not hitherto been considered the most powerful on the European continent.

Catherine Ashton, the EU’s foreign policy chief, and the European External Action Service, the EU’s diplomatic corps, are proposing that the EU should neuter its judicial mission in Kosovo, Eulex. That mission has, since 2008, when it took over the task from a body installed by the international community after the wars of the 1990s, been trying to apply the rule of law in Kosovo.

It has had an uphill task. The political class is riven with corruption. The judiciary is weak. The tools of order – the police and the courts – are not independent.

Nevertheless, it has had some successes – including prosecutions, trials and convictions.

So why now should the mission be ended? It seems that Ashton and the EEAS are persuaded that Kosovo has set out on the path to reform that one day will lead it to membership of the EU. The agreement with Serbia to normalise relations, concluded last April, was an important step on that path.

True enough. But there is no guarantee that Kosovo will stay on that path. Indeed, it seems more likely that Kosovo will stray if Eulex is no longer there to guide it.

State-building – establishing democratic institutions and the rule of law – is not easy. There is no miraculous gravitational effect that ensures that when a country is designated for EU membership it will automatically acquire high standards of law and order.

Indeed, the reports published yesterday by the European Commission on Bulgaria and Romania show that democratic and judicial institutions need nurturing and protecting even after admission to the EU.

That should make the EU’s member states hesitate before they fall into line with Ashton’s proposal, which looks suspiciously like a generous reward for Kosovo’s taking a constructive attitude to the normalisation talks with Serbia that she mediated. Serbia was rewarded with the opening of EU membership talks. Now it would appear that the Kosovo government, run by former rebel leader Hashim Thaçi, is to get what he wants, ie, control of the special prosecution office that has hitherto been a thorn in the side of his government – even though the Commission has expressed its reservations.

Member states should ask themselves whether they believe that Kosovo is in a condition to guarantee the rule of law. If it is not, then Kosovo will be a source of problems to the EU for years to come. Whatever the expense of Eulex, the cost of a lawless Kosovo on the EU’s doorstep will be much greater.

That urge to compromise, to settle for the lowest common denominator, should be resisted.

The young stopper denied violent conduct, but the Football Association has announced he has received a significant ban

Manchester United’s on-loan goalkeeper Kieran O’Hara has been banned for six matches following an alleged biting incident during Burton Albion’s draw with Peterborough United. 

The 23-year-old, who is on a season-long loan with League One side Burton, clashed with Peterborough forward Sammie Szmodics at a corner, with an image appearing to show O’Hara biting his opponent’s arm. 

O’Hara was charged by the Football Association (FA) and despite denying his behaviour amounted to violent and/or improper conduct, a commission found him guilty of the charge and handed him the suspension along with a £2,500 fine. 

Sheena Gooroochurn, an assistant to Malcolm Harbour, chairman of the European Parliament’s internal market and consumer policy committee, has moved to the European Commission to work as an assistant to Robert Madelin, director-general of DG CONNECT.

Mariés depuis deux heures, en couple depuis près de dix ans, le prince William et la duchesse Catherine de Cambridge ont rarement été photographiés en pleine effusion de tendresse. Ils viennent d’échanger leur premier baiser public en tant que couple marié. Une carte postale qui devrait rapidement se vendre dans toutes les boutiques touristiques de la capitale britannique.

Comme Charles et Diana il y a trente ans, William et Kate ont immortalisé leur amour sur le balcon de Buckingham Palace devant une foule en furie venue s’agglutiner devant les grilles. Une tradition inaugurée par Charles et Diana, les parents du prince et que tous les médias attendaient avec impatience. Ils sont des milliers, surveillés par la police, à être venus admirer les amoureux et les photographes ont payé très

pour obtenir les meilleurs places qui se négocient à des milliers d’euros.

Sur le balcon, aux côtés des jeunes mariés, la Reine Elizabeth et le Duc d’Edimbourg, la soeur de Kate, Pippa et le frère de William, Harry, ainsi que tous les pages et demoiselles d’honneur. Et enfin, les parents du couple: Le

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et Camilla, Carole et Michael Middleton.

Pour le plus grand bonheur des badauds, les tourtereaux se sont échangés non pas un baiser, mais deux! Au départ assez timides, ils n’ont fait que s’effleurer du bout des lèvres. Mais la pression de la foule a été trop forte, ils n’ont pu résister au bonheur de lui offrir, et de s’offrir, un second baiser, juste un peu plus long, plus tendre, plus assumé.

Le record de trois secondes n’a peut-être pas été battu -on attend encore les chiffres officiels- mais le prochain couple princier qui se mariera devra en battre un autre: celui des deux baisers!

Revivez ce moment inoubliable:

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C.C.

Vendredi 29 avril 2011

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Lady Gaga était invitée hier sur le plateau de l’émission X Factor sur M6. Ils voulaient du Lady Gaga, ils ont eu le droit à la totale.

On n’ose imaginer le prix de l’espace publicitaire hier soir sur M6 entre 20h40 et 21h30. La petite chaîne qui n’est plus vraiment petite, a reçu sur son antenne

et Lady Gaga. Des hôtes de choix dont les prestations étaient très attendues et qui ont donc attiré de nombreux publicitaires.

Gaga reine des charts c’est un fait, mais elle n’est pas vraiment dominatrice sur l’audience. Tandis que le Dr House récoltait 34,5% de la part d’audience, M6 atteignait difficilement la seconde place avec 11,4% de PDA. Un pari donc à demi réussi pour la chaîne.

Pourtant l’interprète de Born This Way a tout donné pour assurer le show. Affublée d’un synthétiseur en poils de yack, porté autour du cou, elle a fait son entrée sur scène. Elle-même vêtue d’une tenue tout en poils, Lady Gaga a réincarné le mythe de la «bête de scène». La chanteuse a entamé son medley avec son tout dernier titre Edge of Glory. Morte de chaud ou morte de honte, Lady Gaga s’est ensuite débarrassée de sa peau de bête pour retrouver son costume de scène préféré, c’est à dire des sous-vêtements et un collant résille. A noter également, sa crinière qui a gagné plus de 30 centimètres en l’espace de quelques heures depuis la sortie de son hôtel parisien, le Park Hyatt.

Ah… la magie du spectacle. Une fois redevenue «elle-même», la terrible Gaga est descendue de sa structure pour rejoindre sa troupe de danseurs sur scène. Entre les flammes et les corps ultra-musclés de ses compagnons, Gaga a interprété Judas.

Sandrine Corman, la présentatrice d’X Factor était en charge d’approcher la petite terreur américaine à la fin de son show. Lady Gaga, bloquée comme une statue de cire et pointant son plus beau bras d’honneur (juste pour la chorégraphie) au public, s’est laissée amadouer ou presque. Après avoir redit tout son amour à ses petits monsters français, la reine mère de la pop s’est retirée de la scène en se malaxant le fessier et en lançant un «I’ll be back soon… La France».

Gaga continue son circuit à Paris en se produisant jeudi soir au 1515 dans un show exceptionnel réservé à ses fans les plus addicts.

Découvrez sa prestation sur le plateau d’X Factor:

Laure Costey

Mercredi 15 juin 2011

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Alors qu’elle venait à peine de poser le pied en Birmanie, l’actrice a été expulsée du pays par les autorités locales. Son rôle dans le film de consacré à Aung San Suu Kyi, symbole de la lutte contre la dictature militaire, l’a rendue persona non grata sur le territoire birman.

Ce n’est pas vraiment un tapis rouge qui attendait Michelle Yeoh à sa descente de l’avion mercredi dernier, en Birmanie. En guise de haie d’honneur pour la star internationale, un comité d’accueil pas très chaleureux lui a signifié qu’elle n’était pas la bienvenue en Birmanie et qu’elle devait faire demi-tour sur le champ. En clair, l’actrice malaisienne s’est fait expulser du pays. Elle n’est pas sortie de l’enceinte de l’aéroport international de Rangoun, où elle venait d’atterrir, et a dû prendre le premier avion pour quitter le territoire.

Un responsable birman a expliqué que Michelle Yeoh figurait sur une liste noire, sans en détailler les raisons précises. Nul besoin d’être grand clerc pour deviner que son rôle d’Aung San Suu Kyi dans le prochain film de Luc Besson n’est pas étranger à l’affaire. Michelle Yeoh interprète en effet dans The Lady la célèbre opposante au régime birman, celle qui a lutté toute sa vie contre la dictature militaire qui opprime son pays. Un combat que cette femme qui a reçu le Prix Nobel en 1991 a payé au prix fort puisqu’elle a été placée en résidence surveillée pendant de longues années, avant d’être libérée en novembre 2010.

On ne connaît pas le but du voyage de Michelle Yeoh en Birmanie, mais l’actrice était déjà venue rendre visite à Aung San Suu Kyi en décembre dernier afin de discuter du rôle. La junte a été dissoute et les pouvoirs transférés à un président civil en mars 2011, mais les militaires gardent toujours le contrôle du pays. Michelle Yeoh en a fait la douloureuse expérience.

Jean-Christian Hay

Mardi 28 juin 2011

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J-Lo et Marc Anthony, c’est fini! La nouvelle est venue assommer le monde du showbiz. Après sept ans de bonheur, l’un des couples phares d’Hollywood qui semblait pourtant couler des jours heureux, divorce. Au coeur d’une année hécatombe pour les couples, d’Eva Longoria et Tony Parker à Scarlett Johansson et Ryan Reynolds, en passant par Jessica Biel et Justin Timberlake, le couple entre la bomba latina et son chéri Marc Anthony faisait figure de pilier.

Eh bien non, le sort a encore frappé, ils n’ont pas été épargnés et les voilà officiellement séparés. Face à cette loi des séries, peut-on encore croire à l’amour à Hollywood? Nous avons décidé d’y croire, la preuve avec ces 8 couples qui tiennent, malgré les hauts et les bas.

Maud Carlus

Lundi 18 juillet 2011

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